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3 The Mizrahi-Ashkenazi Divide in Israeli Elections

Olivia G. Lara

This chapter focused on the ethnic divide within the Jewish Israelis between Ashkenazi and Mizrahi Jews. We suggest this citation for this chapter:

Lara, Olivia G. (2024). “The Mizrahi-Ashkenazi Divide in Israeli Elections.” In Zeedan, Rami (ed.), Israel’s Divides Explained, The University of Kansas. https://opentext.ku.edu/israelsdivides/

1. General Introduction:

Hello and welcome to the podcast series “Israel’s Divides Explained.”

This episode focuses on the Ethnic divide in Israel.

More specifically, we will examine the Mizrahi-Ashkenazi ethnic divide regarding the political system and Mizrahi’s involvement in it.

This podcast series episode was produced in the spring of 2023 as part of the course Israel: From Idea to Statehood with Prof. Zeedan at the University of Kansas.

 I am your host, Olivia Lara.

I am a second-year student and a history major. I am currently involved with the university’s mock trial team, student senate, and Dole Institute of Politics. I do not personally have any connection to Israel, and before this class, I only knew about the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It has been very interesting to learn about the divides within Judaism itself, and I hope this podcast gives better insight into the Mizrahi-Ashkenazi divide in particular.

2. Topic introduction:

As I said earlier, I will examine the Mizrahi-Ashkenazi divide, especially regarding Mizrahi’s political behavior.

I will answer, “How has the Mizrahi-Ashkenazi ethnic divide affected Mizrahi political behavior in elections?”

It is important to answer this question to understand how the ethnic divide in Israel alters politics. This question allows a look into the background of one of the most major ethnic divides and provides context on how this divide is intertwined with politics, especially in terms of elections and political parties.

The information here is based on a selection of primary and secondary sources; however, this survey is not exhaustive.

One of my major sources for this episode is Bryan Roby’s (2015) work “The Mizrahi Era of Rebellion: Israel’s Forgotten Civil Rights Struggle 1948-1966.” This is a good source for background on how immigration trends and policies resulted in the current Mizrahi-Ashkenazi divide and how that divide has historically manifested.

I will be posting my sources online. More details will be provided at the end of this episode.

In our episode today, we will discuss four major items: Item 1: a short introduction to Israel; Item 2: an introduction to the six divides and the ethnic divide in Israel; Item 3: the answer to the question of the Mizrahi-Ashkenazi Ethnic Divide in Israel’s Elections; and Item 4: looking to the future.

Before we start with the introduction, I wanted to start with a fun fact: Did you know that Mizrahi Jews are several Jewish communities united under one label, including Jews who originated, for example, from Morocco, Yemen, Syria, and Iraq?

3. Central Section

3.1 Introduction to Israel

Before I discuss the ethnic divide and the specific topic of this podcast in more detail, I would like to give a brief introduction to Israel’s history.

According to Anita Shapira’s 2012 book Israel: A History, the land currently known as Israel was under the rule of the Ottoman Empire until 1917, when it came under British rule during the British Mandate of Palestine. It was under the rule of the British until 1948, when the land was officially established as Israel.

The early stages of Israeli history were marked by Aliyahs, waves of Jewish immigrants moving to Ottoman land to establish a Jewish homeland. After the British Mandate, there was a large influx of majority Mizrahi immigrants, which set the stage for division because, before 1948, the majority of immigrants were Ashkenazi Jews. These early immigrants faced many struggles, which manifested in a division between the native Arabs and new Jewish immigrants.

In the later stages, when the land currently known as Israel came under British control, there were varying policies regarding Arabs and Jews. Some of these documents regarding the rights of Arabs and Jews during the British mandate were the McMahon-Hussein Correspondence, the Sykes-Picot Agreement, and the Balfour Protocols. After the Second World War and Holocaust, however, the UN voted to partition Palestine, which sparked Arab armed resistance that resulted in the 1948 war for independence (Bickerton & Klausner, 2007; Morris, 2011; Shapira, 2012).

Besides the divide between the Arabs and Jews, there are divides among Jews themselves in Israel. Even in the early stages, while the idea of Israel was still being formed, there were already hints of what would become one of the main ethnic divides today: the Mizrahi-Ashkenazi Ethnic Divide.

I suggest looking at Anita Shapira’s (2012) Israel: A History to get more information on Israel’s history. The first three chapters provide a good background knowledge of Israel’s history that is important to understanding the ethnic and political divide, and I suggest reading it if you want a more comprehensive view of Israel’s history.

3.2 Introduction to the Six Divides and the Ethnic Divide

In Israel, there are six major divides (Zeedan, 2024): the political divide, the national divide, the ethnic divide, the socioeconomic divide, the religious divide, and the gender divide. This podcast episode will focus on the ethnic divide, although the socioeconomic and political divides will be mentioned since the ethnic divide is intertwined with both.

The ethnic divide consists of many Jewish ethnicities, including Mizrahi, Ashkenazi, Russian, and Ethiopian Jews. This podcast episode will focus on the Mizrahi-Ashkenazi ethnic divide, one of the most prominent ethnic divides in Israeli society and became most prominent in the first years after the creation of Israel, from 1948 to 1958 (Roby, 2015).

According to Bryan Roby in his 2015 book, the period from 1948 to 1958 was marked by a large influx of Jewish immigrants, including 450,000 Mizrahi Jews and 260,000 Ashkenazi Jews. By the 1950s, Mizrahi Jews were the ethnic majority of Israel, which created tensions. Despite their majority status, Mizrahi Jews faced socioeconomic inequality, educational inequality, and political inequality. This was a result of a socioeconomic hierarchy established during the British Mandate, where a more privileged position benefited Ashkenazi Jews. (Roby, 2015).

The marginalization of Mizrahi Jews led to the “Melting Pot” Policy, which sought to integrate Mizrahi Jews into modern Israeli society to increase cultural and educational levels. This was enforced by placing Mizrahi Jews in transitory camps in the periphery of Israel, which led to decreased education, housing segregation, police violence, and structural inequalities against Mizrahi Jews (Roby 2015).

The Mizrahi-Ashkenazi Divide and the marginalization of Mizrahi Jews have led to resistance. One resistance movement was the Israeli Black Panther Party movement of the 1970s, which mirrored the American Black Panther Party to seek equal conditions for Mizrahi Jews. Many in opposition to this Mizrahi movement were Ashkenazi Jews, especially ones in political positions, such as Prime Minister Golda Meir. Additionally, organizations such as the police worked against the Black Panther Party movement. With this example, I would like to point out that the groups opposed to Mizrahi’s resistance through the Black Panther Party were often Ashkenazi Jews in political positions of power (Roby, 2015).

A founding member of the Mizrahi Black Panther party, Charlie Biton, highlighted the inequalities for Mizrahi people enforced by the government. He said, “There were houses in Musrara where ten people lived in the same room. The schools were not schools. Each classroom had 150 students or more. Sewage flowed in the middle of the streets. There was barely any water or electricity. There was nothing organized or fixed in that neighborhood.” (Margit, 2017).

3.3 The answer to my question: How the Mizrahi-Ashkenazi Divide Manifests in the Electoral System

  • Intro to Mizrahi-Ashkenazi Divide in the Israeli Political System

To understand how the Mizrahi-Ashkenazi divide manifests itself in Israeli elections, it is essential to look at the political evolution of Mizrahi political parties. In Israel’s early years, Mizrahi leaders were selected and established as ethnic leaders based on their cooperation with the state and their promotion of Ashkenazim. Rather than seek greater protections for their constituents, these leaders’ primary purpose was to uphold the current Ashkenazi-led regime and suppress the Mizrahi organization through movements such as the Black Panther Party. The turning point in the early representation of Mizrahi politics was marked by the “Upset of 1977” when the Likud party defeated the Labor party responsible for Mizrahi’s oppression. The shift in Mizrahi politics from the Labor Party to the Likud was one of the main reasons that helped the Likud win. As the euphoria from this victory began to fade and the Tent Movement, a housing movement that replaced the Black Panthers in terms of Mizrahi consciousness, began to rise, Mizrahi leaders began using their identity to win against Ashkenazi patrons in order to secure certain positions. Mizrahi political leaders were forced to represent themselves as radicals to become most effective in government. However, this caused the power of Mizrahi political leaders to erode after the crisis with their Ashkenazi bosses (Chetrit, 2000).

Due to the erosion of the political power of Mizrahi leaders, Mizrahi Jews established the political party TAMI (the Movement for Jewish Tradition) before the 1981 elections. This became the first political party in Israeli history to appeal exclusively to Mizrahi voters. However, by 1984, the party had collapsed because it had not radically changed Ashkenazi’s power within the government. While the TAMI party did collapse, it did give rise to the current prominent Mizrahi political party, Shas (Chetrit, 2000).

While TAMI addressed the Mizrahi experience, Shas was focused on religion. In addition to their fiercely religious nature, they represent the struggle between Mizrahi and Ashkenazi Jews and the disdain Mizrahi Jews have for Ashkenazi leadership, including Ashkenazi progressiveness. The Shas party maintains power by establishing social services and better schools for their constituents, which ensures support. This has led them to have 4 to 17 of 120 Knesset seats since their founding (Lewis, 2013).

It is important to note that today, the Shas party is not the only party in Israeli elections with Mizrahi leaders. Parties such as the Likud, Labor, and Blue and White parties all have Mizrahi politicians representing them (Lewis, 2013).
In general, although there has never been a Mizrahi Prime Minister, Mizrahi’s representation in the Israeli political system has increased since the establishment of the state. From 1996-2013, 36.7% of Israeli ministers were of Mizrahi descent, compared to 8.7% between 1949 and 1974 (Lewis).

Although general representation has increased, there are still major issues with Mizrahi representation. According to Asaf Elia-Shalev (2022), a 2021 analysis found that Mizrahi Jews are still underrepresented because “Ashkenazi Jews have served atop major government ministries at about twice the rate as Mizrahi Jews over the preceding 20 years” (Elia-Shalev, 2022).

With this statistic, it is essential to note that it is difficult to get information along ethnic lines for elections. Although Israel’s courts require affirmative action for groups such as women, Ethiopian Jews, and Palestinians, Mizrahi Jews are not considered a relevant minority group. In fact, according to Elia-Shalev, Israel’s Central Bureau of Statistics head even commented, “Mizrahim and Ashkenazim? That story is from 50 years ago. It’s irrelevant today. Everyone is mixed,” With this in mind, it is important to consider how the lack of recognition for Mizrahi citizens as a minority group affects their representation and data on representation (Elia-Shale, 2022).

  • Mizrahi-Ashkenazi Divide in Israeli Elections

Now that we know the history of Mizrahi representation in the Israeli government, we can look at the performance of Mizrahi voters and parties in elections. Based on the earlier data presented, it is clear that there is representation for Mizrahi citizens in Israel’s government, even if it is not proportionate to the total amount of Mizrahi citizens. Additionally, Mizrahi citizens turn out to vote, which is evident by how many political parties have Mizrahi leaders as part of them to sway the Mizrahi vote. However, outside of this information, examining how Mizrahi voters have tended to vote in recent elections is essential. It is also important to look at how Mizrahi parties align themselves.

Due to the marginalized status of Mizrahi Jews, many would assume Mizrahi parties and voters would align themselves with the left wing in Israel. However, that is not the case. Despite the trend of marginalized groups supporting progressive parties, Mizrahi voters tend to vote right-wing, and Mizrahi parties, namely Shas, align themselves with the pro-Netanyahu bloc.

Since the fall of the Labor Party in 1977, many Mizrahi voters have aligned themselves with the Likud. Overwhelmingly, Mizrahi voters back Likud candidates, particularly Benjamin Netanyahu, because they have a disdain for the Ashkenazi liberal elite. Although the Likud is still Ashkenazi-led, this party appeals more to them because they are not seen in the same light as the Ashkenazi liberal elite and many voters feel the Likud has their best interests in mind (Halbfinger, 2019).

The most prominent example of the Shas party aligning with the Likud is from this past election in 2022. Although many statistics about the most recent 2022 election regarding ethnic divisions are not available yet, I wanted to briefly look at this election since it is the most recent example of Mizrahi parties backing the Likud.

In the most recent election, Shas aligned itself with the pro-Netanyahu bloc. In the 2022 election, Shas formed a coalition with the Likud Party and Netanyahu, showing clear support for the Netanyahu government. Because the Shas party is the party of Mizrahi Jews, this is another indicator that Mizrahi Jews tend to vote for the right-wing, pro-Netanyahu bloc in elections, including the most recent 2022 election (Arna’out, 2022).

  • Reason why Mizrahi voters choose right-wing parties

Although there are many theories for why Mizrahi Jews align themselves with the right-wing, one explanation could be due to the ethnic divide. Because the Ashkenazi elite represent the majority of the left-wing parties, Mizrahi Jews have aligned themselves with right-wing groups in opposition to the Ashkenazi left. Another possibility is that most Mizrahi voters vote on policy rather than ethnic lines. According to the Jewish People Policy Institute, 63% of Mizrahi voters said that ethnicity does not play a role in their decisions. Despite these numbers, the ethnic divide has likely altered Israeli politics through the suppression of Mizrahi representation in government and swaying Mizrahi voters towards pro-Netanyahu blocs in elections (Rosenberg, 2021).

3.4 Looking to the future:

Looking towards the future of the divide, there are several perspectives on how the Mizrahi-Ashkenazi divide will continue:

Due to the current political state, most scholars see the political position of Mizrahi Jews relatively improving, but making no significant strides. There is still a lack of Mizrahi Knesset officials, high-profile judges of Mizrahi descent, and Mizrahi leaders in politics. Additionally, Mizrahi voters and Mizrahi parties have continued to vote for and form coalitions with parties such as the Likud, who have no Mizrahi leadership and do not indicate that they will soon have Mizrahi leadership.

However, there are indications that Mizrahi voters will slowly move away from Likud parties. According to David Rosenberg (2021), Meir Amor and Gal Levy say that they “have detected signs that Likud’s adoption of free-market economic policies and a neglect of the welfare state, especially under Netanyahu, was quietly alienating the lower-income Mizrahim who do support the party for its right-wing, nationalist platform.” They note that Left-wing attempts to sway voters still have not succeeded, and the result has mostly been a decrease in voter turnout. However, as the years progress, this may manifest as Mizrahi voters turn to more left-wing parties (Rosenberg, 2021).

Scholars’ views are similar to those of ordinary people, although it is important to note that their ethnicity may sway the views of everyday people. Mizrahi citizens are much more likely to be pessimistic about their condition, while Ashkenazi citizens are more likely to undermine the prevalence of the divide. However, both seem to generally agree that the status of Mizrahi Jews is slowly improving but still needs significant steps due to the significant ethnic divide. This extends to the political sphere and the personal lives of Mizrahi citizens who still face structural inequalities.

I think this is an accurate assessment. As the years progress and the Likud only adopts Ashkenazi, not Mizrahi, political leaders, I think this will begin to alienate Mizrahi voters. The issue is whether this will make them turn to left-wing parties or simply become less politically active. However, I think things are relatively improving in terms of political representation, but definite improvements still need to be made.

4. Wrap-up and closing remarks

Overall, it is clear there are prominent divides in Israel, including the ethnic divide. Socioeconomic and political factors magnify this divide, and one of the most prominent ethnic divides is that of Mizrahi and Ashkenazi Jews.

Many factors caused this divide, including the large influx of Mizrahi immigrants post-1948, the stereotypes created about Mizrahi immigrants, socioeconomic policy privileging Ashkenazi Jews during the British Mandate, and the “Melting Pot” policy. Because of these inequities, Mizrahi Jews in Israel have attempted to seek political mobilization through grassroots movements, such as the Black Panther Party, and engagement in the government through parties such as TAMI and Shas. Today, Mizrahi representation in government has slowly increased, but there are still significant issues.

Although the Shas party is the party of Mizrahi and Sephardic citizens, both the party and Sephardic and Mizrahi voters have continually aligned themselves with right-wing parties such as the Likud. Looking forward, it is important to analyze how the inequalities Mizrahi citizens face structurally and representationally affect the political behaviors of Mizrahi Jews in Israel.

I will post my sources for this episode online. To see them, look at the page where you are listening to the episode.

Thank you all for listening to me speak about the ethnic divide in Israel and how the Mizrahi and Ashkenazi divide manifests itself in terms of political mobilization for Mizrahi Jews. I have enjoyed learning more about Israel’s history, as well as the intersection between Israel’s ethnic and political divide. Please catch the other podcasts in the series “Israel’s Divides Explained” to learn about more issues within the ethnic divide and issues with the other divides in Israel. In particular, I would recommend looking at episodes surrounding the political divide to understand politics in Israel better.

Thanks again for joining me today, and check out those other sources!

 

5. Bibliography
5.1 Primary sources:

Arna’out, Abdelraouf. “Netanyahu’s Party Inks Deal with Shas Party on Coalition Gov’t in Israel.” Anadolu Ajansı. Anadolu Agency, 12 August 2022. https://www.aa.com.tr/en/middle-east/netanyahus-party-inks-deal-with-shas-party-on-coalition-govt-in-israel/2758608.Accessed 10 October 2024.

Elia-Shalev, Asaf. “Israel to Measure Inequality between Mizrahi and Ashkenazi Jews with New Statistics.” Jewish Telegraphic Agency, 8 September 2022. https://www.jta.org/2022/09/08/israel/israel-to-measure-inequality-between-mizrahi-and-ashkenazi-jews-with-new-statistics.Accessed 10 October 2024.

Halbfinger, David. “A Mosaic of Groups Competes in Israel’s Election.” The New York Times, 17 September 2019. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/17/world/middleeast/israel-photos-communities-elections.html.Accessed 10 October 2024.

Margit, Maya, “Who were the Israeli Black Panthers?” Youtube, 5 April 2017, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AdbktksiVfI&t=188s.Accessed 10 October 2024.

Rosenberg, David. “Is Likud Still the Party of Israel’s Mizrahi Voters? These Experts Say Otherwise.” Haaretz. 23 Aug 2021. https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2021-08-23/ty-article/.premium/is-likud-still-the-party-of-israels-mizrahi-voters-these-experts-say-otherwise/0000017f-dbf2-db22-a17f-fff38d570000  Accessed 10 October 2024.

5.2 Secondary sources:

Bickerton, Ian J., and Carla L. Klausner. A history of the Arab–Israeli conflict. Routledge, 2018. Chapter 2: Palestine During the Mandate, pp. 36-57.

Chetrit, Sami Shalom. “Mizrahi politics in Israel: Between integration and alternative.” Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 4 (2000): 51-65. https://doi.org/10.1525/jps.2000.29.4.02p0080e.

Lewis, Bernard. The Jews of Islam. Routledge, 2013.

Morris, Benny. Righteous victims: A history of the Zionist-Arab conflict, 1881-2001. Vintage, 2011, pp. 67-160.

Roby, Bryan K. The Mizrahi Era of Rebellion: Israel’s Forgotten Civil Rights Struggle 1948-1966. Syracuse University Press, 2015.

Shapira, Anita. Israel: A history. UPNE, 2012.

Zeedan, Rami. “Social Identity and Voting Behavior in a Deeply Divided Society: The Case of Israel.” Societies 14, no. 9 (2024): 177. https://doi.org/10.3390/soc14090177

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